Suchergebnisse

THE RECURRENT ENERGY CRISES AND THE RAPID DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH SEA OIL AND GAS RESERVES HAVE HAD AN IMPACT ON ALL THE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES. YET, DESPITE CALLS FOR NORDIC COOPERATION IN THIS FIELD, SUCH COOPERATION IS VIRTUALLY NONEXISTENT. THIS FAILURE IS DUE TO THE NATURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL OIL AND GAS REGIME BECAUSE ITS DYNAMICS DO NOT NECESSARILY FURTHER INTERGOVERNMENTAL COOPERATION. THE CURRENT MORIBUD STATUS OF SCANDINAVIAN COOPERATION CAN BE ASCRIBED TO THE NATURE OF THIS REGIME. WHILE THE FUTURE IS UNCERTAIN, THERE IS LITTLE BASIS FOR HOPE THAT COOPERATIVE INSTITUTIONS CAN BE DESIGNED TO CONFORM TO THE DIVERSE EXPECTATIONS OF THE STATES INVOLVED.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of contributors -- List of abbreviations -- 1 Introduction: The Nordic model of transnational cooperation? -- 2 European challenge to Nordic institutional cooperation: Past, present and future -- 3 Nordic cooperation in the voluntary sector -- 4 The Nordic model and the rise and fall of Nordic cooperation -- 5 Cooperation in the field of law -- 6 Dreams and realities: The Nordic Council Literature Prize as a symbol of the construction of Nordic cultural cooperation -- 7 The Nordic passport union and its discontents: Unintended consequences of free movement -- 8 Nordic institutionalized cooperation in a larger regional setting -- 9 Nordic security and defence cooperation: Northern policies in a European perspective -- 10 Nordic countries as laboratories for transnational learning -- Index.

The recurrent energy crises of the past 17 years and the not unrelated rapid development of North Sea oil and gas reserves have had an impact on all the Scandinavian countries, both those with offshore interests and those without. Yet despite calls for Nordic cooperation in this field, such cooperation is virtually nonexistent. It is argued here that this failure is due to the nature of the international oil and gas regime. The analysis is based on four arguments: (1) there is an international oil and gas regime; (2) the dynamics of this regime do not necessarily further intergovernmental cooperation; (3) the current moribund status of Scandinavian cooperation can be ascribed to the nature of this regime; and (4) while the future is uncertain, there is little basis for hope that cooperative institutions can be designed to conform to the diverse expectations of the states involved.

During the last years, China started to keep a close eye on changes in the Arctic. But its opportunities to take part in the regional resources development are restricted by the fact that it has no physical access to the Arctic Ocean. Thus, Chinese diplomacy has to exert many efforts in order to secure Beijing's regional ambitions and develop partnership ties with circumpolar states. The closest friends of China in the Arctic are Scandinavian countries. In this article the author intends to analyse the aspects of Sino-Scandinavian cooperation in the Arctic.

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures and Maps -- List of Tables -- Notes on Contributors -- Preface -- 1 The Rise of the Networking Region: The Challenges of Regional Collaboration in a Globalized World -- 2 The Nordic Regions: Institutional Development and Public Debate 1996-2009 -- 3 Knowledge Brokerage and Institutional Retooling: Policy Preferences for Regional Development in a Competitive World -- 4 Learning Ecologies: Capacity-Building in Nordic Regions and Cities through Cross-Institutional and Cross-Border Cooperation -- 5 Regions in the European Architecture of Governance: Towards Integrative Regionalism. The Attitudes of Regional Policy-Makers -- 6 Transforming Governance in Cities and Regions in the Nordic Countries: Adapting to "the New Citizen"? -- 7 Informatization of Political Roles and Communication Patterns: Regional Advantages through Information and Communication Technologies? -- 8 "The New Kid on the Block". Faroese Foreign Affairs - between Hierarchy and Network -- 9 Building Learning Ecologies: What Works and How? The Examples of the County Councils of Telemark and Aust-Agder (Norway) -- 10 International Cooperation of the New Danish Regions: Lifeline or Last Rites? The Case of Southern Denmark -- 11 Cultural Policies as Development Strategies in Nordic Regions - A Comparison of Two Projects -- 12 Conclusions: The Policy Nexus in Network Governance -- Bibliography -- Index.

Abstract
The functioning of multi-nation monetary unions with several central banks is conditioned by many factors and considerations, such as the capacity to deal with crises, the political will and operational skill to foster financial integration and to develop a mix of rules and discretion in the cooperation between the central banks. The Scandinavian monetary union (SMU) between 1873 and 1931 is a case in point for illustrating the importance of these factors and considerations. We examine the policies implemented in the Scandinavian countries to deal with asymmetries of payments flows and with financial crises at three levels: in an account of major crises that required lending of last resort, in a study of the clearing and settlement mechanism established in the union, and in a survey of contemporary economists' views on lending of last resort and cooperation in the SMU.

The article is devoted to analyzing various aspects of the impact of Brexit consequences on the states of the Scandinavian-Baltic region and the prospects for relations with them. It is noted that Brexit may lead to a slowdown in the economic growth of the countries of the region, but it will not be significant. At the same time, given the small scale of the economies and their dependence on the external economic situation, the Baltic countries will experience a relatively greater negative impact than the highly developed innovative economies of the Nordic states. Revision of the priorities for the EU funding will also lead to a decrease in subsidies within the framework of the cohesion policy and the implementation of infrastructure projects, which can be painful for the economies of the Baltic states. A change in the direction of migration flows from these countries is also highly likely. As for security and defense cooperation, changes are unlikely here, since the UK has repeatedly reaffirmed its commitment to the principles of collective defense within NATO. However, a reduction in the number of channels of interaction and coordination of positions in international affairs (as a natural consequence of withdrawal from EU political institutions) is likely to intensify UK participation in other formats of regional political and defense cooperation (NB+1, JEF, NORDEFCO, etc.).